Bear Arms: Bruen and the Future of 18 U.S.C. § 922

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Authored By: Aliah Hill

August 6th, 2023

The Second Amendment of the United States Constitution states that “the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.”[i] The right to bear arms is a fundamental right guaranteed to the people of the United States under the Second Amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America.[ii] Throughout the country, the states have differing levels of firearm regulation ranging from constitutional carry to strict regulations.[iii] The different degrees of firearm regulation throughout the states are due to the different cultural traditions of each state. In recent years, the differing approaches to firearm regulation have spilled over into public discourse in response to the increase in mass shootings.[iv] Despite the differing approaches to firearm regulation, there is a consensus that the right to bear arms is not unlimited despite being fundamental.[v]

There was a tremendous shift in Second Amendment jurisprudence when the Court decided New York State Rifle & Pistol Ass’n, Inc. v. Bruen, 142 S. Ct. 2111 (2022). In Bruen, the constitutionality of a New York firearm statute that required a “special need” for obtaining a license to carry a concealed firearm was challenged.[vi] In Bruen, the Court discarded the two-step analysis for firearm regulations that federal courts developed following Heller that considers history and means-end scrutiny.[vii] Under the Bruen standard, the government has the burden of proving that the challenged regulation is aligned with the “Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation” when the regulation affects conduct covered under the plain text of the Second Amendment.[viii] The history given the most weight is the history that informs the tradition of gun ownership in the United States in the periods preceding and immediately after the drafting and ratification of the Second Amendment.[ix] The government has the burden of demonstrating that the regulation is rooted in the tradition of the Nation.

Soon after Bruen, district courts across the country began seeing challenges to provisions of 18 U.S.C. Section 922 on the basis that the regulations were not aligned with the historical tradition of firearm regulation at the time of the writing and ratification of the Second Amendment.[x] In response to the notable assassinations in the 1960s, the federal legislature enacted federal firearm regulations.[xi] Under 18 U.S.C. Section 922, the federal government can impose criminal penalties on a broad range of offenses relating to the transportation, purchase, possession, and sale of firearms.[xii] Firearm offenses are the “third most common” type of federal offense behind drugs and immigration.[xiii] In recent years, firearms charges comprise about 14% of federally charged crimes each year.[xiv] In the last two years, there has been an increase in the number of federal firearm offenses.[xv] The average sentence for a federal firearm conviction is about four years.[xvi]

Prior to Bruen, the constitutionality of the federal firearm regulations had been challenged, but those challenges yielded little success.[xvii] In the wake of Bruen, these challenges have had some success. These challenges arise from people appealing their convictions under the statute, people disputing indictments under the statute, and people seeking declaratory judgments by raising as-applied challenges.[xviii] The main targets of these constitutional challenges have been the provisions of Section 922 that codified the Gun Control Act of 1968.[xix] Many of the legal challenges are specifically directed at the subsections of Section 922(g), which identify who is prohibited from possessing or purchasing firearms.[xx]

When some district courts apply their interpretation of the Bruen standard to provisions of Section 922, they strike them down while other district courts uphold the constitutionality of the statute.[xxi] There is a lot of confusion in the courts about adequately applying the Bruen standard since the court now must rely heavily on the Nation’s history when determining whether a firearm statute is constitutional.[xxii] The future of § 922 is precarious. The constitutionality of certain § 922 provisions has already led to circuit splits that the Supreme Court will ultimately have to resolve.

One of the more commonly used provisions—Section 922(g)(1)—has had its constitutionality challenged in district courts across the country in the wake of Bruen. Section 922(g)(1) is the portion of the statute that forbids people with felony convictions from possessing a firearm.[xxiii] In 2021, Section 922(g)(1) violations comprised 13% of federal convictions.[xxiv] In recent years, there were at least 6,000 violations of Section 922(g)(1).[xxv] In Alabama, Section 922(g)(1) cases comprise a high proportion of all federal cases within the state.[xxvi] Over 90% of Section 922(g)(1) convictions result in prison sentences, and the average sentence is five years.[xxvii] If Section 922(g)(1) were to be ruled unconstitutional, the results would dramatically change the landscape of the federal criminal justice system.

There is a circuit split for Section 922(g)(1) on whether the statute complies with the Bruen standard. In United States v. Jackson, 69 F.4th 495 (8th Cir. 2023), the court held that Section 922(g)(1) was constitutional under the Bruen standard. When applying the Bruen standard, the court relied heavily on the firearm restrictions practiced in colonial America, where classes of dangerous people were prohibited from possessing firearms.[xxviii] In Jackson, the court also considered the federal firearm regulations enacted in the 1960s and the purpose of the statute.[xxix] In Range v. Att’y Gen. United States, 69 F.4th 96 (3d Cir. 2023) (en banc), the court held that Section 922(g)(1) was unconstitutional under Bruen.[xxx] In Range, the court relied on the colonial American practice of forfeiting weapons used to commit a crime without interfering with the offender’s right to bear arms.[xxxi] The court in Range also considered that the 1938 federal firearm statute, which the modern firearm statute is based on, only applied to violent criminals.[xxxii] In the seventh circuit, the courts are creating an analysis to evaluate firearm regulations under Bruen.[xxxiii]

The Bruen analysis leaves a lot of room for interpretation by the court. The courts are faced with the issue of evaluating history and determining whether there were analogous firearm regulations in the period preceding the writing and ratification of the Second Amendment. In Jackson and Range, the government presented the same historical arguments but received different results. The question of constitutionality for firearm regulation has turned from legal interpretation to historical analysis. This shift could have negative implications for the future of Section 922(g). The history of analogous firearm restrictions for all classes that covered persons prohibited under Section 922(g) is scant. The courts in the Fifth Circuit have been particularly active in striking down provisions of Section 922(g).

            Like Section 922(g)(1), Section 922(g)(8)’s constitutionality is contested under Bruen. Section 922(g)(8) prohibits people with protection orders related to domestic violence from purchasing or possessing a firearm.[xxxiv] A portion of the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) clarified that the states had to identify and alert those covered Section 922(g)(8) of the obligation to surrender firearms to the state.[xxxv] In United States v. Rahimi, 61 F.4th 443 (5th Cir. 2023), the court held that Section 922(g)(8) was unconstitutional under the Bruen standard.[xxxvi] In Rahimi, the court rejected the government’s historical arguments after deeming their examples not to be “relevantly similar” to Section 922(g)(8).[xxxvii] The court’s holding in Rahimi hinged on the fact that the historical firearm regulations were focused on protecting society at large, not “identified individuals.”[xxxviii]

Section 922(g)(3) prohibits controlled substance users and addicts from possessing or purchasing firearms.[xxxix] Like other provisions of Section 922(g), Section 922(g)(3) has had its constitutionality challenged in the wake of Bruen. In United States v. Connelly, , the court held that Section 922(g)(3) was unconstitutional.[xl] In Connelly, the court rejected the government’s argument that the colonial ban on shooting guns while intoxicated was analogous to Section 922(g)(3).[xli] The court asserted that the intent behind the colonial law and Section 922(g)(3) differed too much since the colonial law was to preserve limited resources to stave off potential threats while Section 922(g)(3) was to keep order in society.[xlii] Without question, Bruen has altered Second Amendment jurisprudence. There is also the potential for Bruen to alter the criminal justice system since many of the statutes used to enforce firearm restrictions are being challenged for lack of basis in historical tradition. After Bruen, criminal defense attorneys started using Bruen motions to get indictments dismissed. While the Bruen motions may not have much success in the present, the Bruen motion serves to preserve the issue so the case may be eligible for reconsideration if the statute is later held unconstitutional. While Bruen is undoubtedly a win for gun rights and Second Amendment originalism, some negative implications are becoming apparent. Some of the protective provisions of Section 922(g) are facing Bruen challenges. Without these provisions, classes of people who are generally considered incapable of possessing and utilizing a firearm in a safe, lawful manner could have legal access to firearms.  Ultimately, the fate of these provisions rests in the courts.


[i] U.S. Const. amend. II.

[ii] McDonald v. City of Chi., 561 U.S. 742, 778 (2010) (explaining the historical basis for the right to bear arms as a fundamental right); United States v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570, 595 (2008) (holding that there is “an individual right to keep and bear arms” under the Second Amendment).

[iii] See H.R., B. 272, 2022 Leg., Reg. Sess. 2022. (Ala. 2022); see also Cal. Penal Code § 26150.

[iv] Kevin Newsome, et al., A Closer Look at the Rising Epidemic of Mass Shootings in the United States and Its Association with Gun Legislation, Laws, and Sales, 28 Journal of Surgical Research 103, 104 (2022).

[v] See Heller, 554 U.S. at 595 (stating that the right to bear arms is not unlimited).

[vi] See New York State Rifle & Pistol Ass’n., Inc. v. Bruen, 142 S. Ct. 2111, 2123 (2022) (explaining that applicants had to meet a strict standard to get a license to carry).

[vii] See id. at 2127 (explaining that the means-end scrutiny analysis was incorrect).

[viii] Id. at 2126 (2022).

[ix] See id. at 2136.

[x] See United States v. Connelly, 2023 WL 2806324, at *15 (W.D. Tex., Apr. 6, 2023) (holding that §§ 922(d)(3) and 922(g)(3) are unconstitutional since they do not align with the Nation’s historical traditions of firearm regulations); United States v. Price, 2022 WL 6968457, at *6 (S.D.W. Va., Oct. 12, 2022) (holding that § 922(k) is unconstitutional because it is not aligned with the Nation’s historical traditions of firearm regulations)

[xi] See Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, Gun Control Act, ATF (Oct. 21, 2022), https://www.atf.gov/rules-and-regulations/gun-control-act.

[xii] See 18 U.S.C. § 922.

[xiii] U.S. Sent’g Comm’n, Overview of Federal Criminal Cases, Fiscal Year 2021, at 4-5 (2021).

[xiv] See U.S. Sent’g Comm’n, 2022 Annual Report and Sourcebook of Federal Sent’g Stat., at 45 (2022); U.S. Sent’g Comm’n, 2021 Annual Report and Sourcebook of Federal Sent’g Stat., at 45 (2021).

[xv] See U.S. Sent’g Comm’n, 2022 Annual Report and Sourcebook of Federal Sent’g Stat., at 46 (2022) (the number of firearm offenses increased from 8,151 in 2021 to 9,318 in 2022).

[xvi] See id. at 217 (2022).

[xvii] See United States v. Rozier, 598 F.3d 768, 771 (11th Cir. 2010) (explaining that laws limiting the Second Amendment rights of felons did “not offend the Second Amendment”); United States v. White, 593 F.3d 1199, 1206 (11 th Cir. 2010) (holding that the Heller doctrine of upholding “longstanding prohibition[s]” on firearm possession applied to § 922(g)(9)).  

[xviii] See Range v. Atty. Gen United States, 69 F.4th 96, 99 (3d Cir. 2023) (en banc) (stating that the plaintiff brought an as applied challenge to the statute); United States v. Jackson, 69 F.4th 495, 498-501 (8th Cir. 2023) (stating that the appellee attempted to get the indictment dismissed and appeal his conviction by alleging the statute was unconstitutional).

[xix] See Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, Gun Control Act, ATF,  https://www.atf.gov/rules-and-regulations/gun-control-act (last reviewed Oct. 21, 2022).

[xx] See 18 U.S.C. § 922(g).

[xxi] See United States v. Stambaugh, 2022 WL 16936043 (W.D.Okla., 2022) at *6 (holding that § 922(n) is unconstitutional); United States v. Quiroz, 629 F. Supp. 3d 511, 527 (W.D. Tex. 2022) (holding that § 922(n) is unconstitutional); see also United States v. Bartucci, 2023 WL 2189530 at *10 (E.D.Cal., Feb. 23, 2023) (holding that § 922(n) is constitutional under the Bruen standard).

[xxii] See United States v. Bullock, 2022 WL 16649175 at *1 (S.D.Miss., Oct. 27, 2022) (explaining that courts “lack both the methodological and substantive knowledge that historians possess” and struggle with the Bruen analysis).

[xxiii] See 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(1).

[xxiv] See U.S. Sent’g Comm’n, 2021, Felon in Possession of a Firearm (2021) (Figures showing 7,454 out of 57,287 were § 922(g)(1) convictions).

[xxv] See id.

[xxvi] See id.

[xxvii] See id.

[xxviii] See United States v. Jackson, 69 F.4th 495, 503-504 (8th Cir. 2023) (explaining that the Nation’s history of firearm regulations included disarming certain classes who pose an “unacceptable risk of danger if armed”).

[xxix] See id. at 505 (explaining that the purpose of the statute aligned with historic traditions).

[xxx] See Range v. Atty. Gen. United States, 69 F.4th 96, 98 (3d Cir. 2023) (en banc) (holding that § 922(g)(1) was unconstitutional).

[xxxi] See id. at 105 (explaining that the colonial laws did not prohibit an offender’s future right to bear arms but only took the weapon used to commit the crime).

[xxxii] See id. at 104 (explaining that the 1938 precursor to § 922(g)(1) was not intended to cover a non-violent offender).

[xxxiii] See Atkinson v. Garland, 70 F.4th 1018, 1024 (2023) (explaining the questions that the district should consider when the case is remanded).

[xxxiv] See 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(8).

[xxxv] See Congressional Research Service, The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA): Historical Overview, Funding, and Reauthorization, at 27 (2019).

[xxxvi] See United States v. Rahimi, 61 F.4th 443, 448 (5th Cir. 2023) (holding that 922(g)(8) was unconstitutional on its face).

[xxxvii] See id. at 456.

[xxxviii] See id. at 459 (explaining that there was no analogous historical firearm statute to support § 922(g)(8)’s constitutionality).

[xxxix] See 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(3).

[xl] See United States v. Connelly, 2023 WL 2806324 at *11 (W.D.Tex., Apr. 6, 2023).

[xli] Id. at *6.

[xlii] Id.

American Dream or American Nightmare: The Expiration of Title 42 & What It Means For Asylum Seekers

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Authored By: Ohtra Awad

May 17, 2023

For many years, the United States has acted as a symbol of new beginnings. A place where anyone can become someone, build a legacy, or live in peace away from the terrors or ruins of their home country. Coined as the American dream, the U.S. has acted as a place of refuge since its founding. The first newcomers to the Americas were those seeking religious freedom, attempting to escape British rule. These American pioneers formed the first colonies with the promise of treating everyone equally and laying the framework for what would eventually become fundamental freedoms for all.

With the expiration of Title 42, the question of whether the American dream still exists begs attention. The Trump Administration introduced the enactment of Title 42 to deter the spread of Covid-19.[i] Title 42 granted the director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) the ability to block noncitizens from entering the U.S. for public health purposes.[ii] From its enactment in 2020, Title 42 was used more than 2.8 million times to immediately expel migrants to their home country without allowing them to seek asylum.[iii]

Although in place for over three years, Title 42 did not go unchallenged. As seen in Huisha-Huisha v. Mayorkas, a class of noncitizens involving a group of asylum-seeking families brought an action against the Secretary of Homeland Security, alleging violations of several acts, including the Administrative Procedure Act (APA) and the Public Health Service Act which arose from the Title 42 policy that “prohibited introduction into [the] United States of certain noncitizens to prevent [the] spread of Covid-19.”[iv] Here, the court strayed away from the Title 42 policy and decided that memos issued by the CDC introducing certain persons into the U.S. would be suspended.[v] Furthermore, the court decided Title 42 to be “arbitrary and capricious,” which prevented Defendants from applying the Title 42 policy to plaintiff class members.[vi]

As Title 42 expired Thursday, May 11, 2023, the U.S. braces itself for a new era of immigration policies. Set forth by the Biden Administration, the new set of guidelines calls for a harsher crackdown on illegal immigration while providing a new legal pathway for migrants to cross the border more efficiently.[vii] The expiration is anticipated to cause a surge of immigration at the border between Texas and Mexico, roughly 10,000 migrants a day are expected to be crossing the southern border.[viii]

However, the day prior to the expiration of Title 42, President Biden acknowledged that a new rule would be introduced. The administration introduced a new law that has the potential to limit asylum dramatically.[ix] Due to the expiration of Title 42, those that do not use available lawful pathways to enter the United States will face more significant repercussions. Those who arrive at the border without using lawful avenues will be presumed ineligible for asylum, whereas under Title 42, immigration officials were able to quickly turn away migrants at the southern border.[x]

The expiration of Title 42 means that the Biden administration will revert to Title 8 when deciding whether migrants have a lawful reason to seek asylum in the United States.[xi]  Title 8 legislation has been active throughout the usage of Title 42; however, moving forward migrants will now only be subjected to regulations under Title 8. The most significant difference between the two pieces of legislation is that Title 8 typically allows more time for migrants to submit asylum claims than they were granted under Title 42. [xii]

Even though Title 8 will be restored with the expiration of Title 42, many urge Congress to introduce new legislation to supplement Title 8.[xiii] Title 8’s deportation consequences, along with the limited legal pathways to parole some migrants into the U.S. from abroad, has been scrutinized by Biden’s Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas.[xiv] Mayorkas claims that the state of the U.S. immigration lacks vital resources such as personnel, facilities, and transportation.[xv] Mayorkas has anticipated the surge in immigration for approximately two years, which led him to release the DHS Plan for Southwest Border Security and Preparedness in April 2022, which outlined a six-pillar plan to manage an increase in immigration once Title 42 expired.[xvi] The plan was later updated in preparation for Title 42’s expiration.

In addition, the Department of Justice and Homeland Security released a rule on May 10, 2023, implementing an asylum “transit ban” rule.[xvii] The transit ban penalizes those that have entered the U.S. irregularly to fail to apply for protection in other nations they cross through on their way to the U.S.[xviii] In essence, the transit ban would apply to all non-Mexican migrants, except non-accompanied minors, who had not been pre-approved under one of Biden’s parole programs.[xix]  The transit ban is said to be questionable by onlookers as it could endanger the lives of many thousands of people seeking asylum. Moreover, the transit ban will affect people who, even though on U.S. soil, “will be denied the legal right to seek protection”, which could potentially be in violation of U.S. asylum law.[xx] This could have a potential impact on the way this matter is litigated, and which protections are afforded to asylum seekers under the U.S. Constitution.

A similar ban was introduced by the Trump Administration in 2020. Still, it was quickly struck down in Al Otro Lado v. Wolf.[xxi] The transit ban under Trump’s presidency sought to expel thousands of asylum seekers from accessing the U.S. asylum process. The legality of the transit ban, which was applied to asylum seekers who were turned back at the U.S.-Mexico border, was challenged by various legal services organizations.

The question now is whether or not the new transit ban under Biden’s Administration will be struck down as seen during Trump’s Administration. Only time will tell, but for now, we are left with the daunting question of whether this will be an American dream or an American nightmare for those seeking asylum in the U.S.


[i] Title 42 Explained: What is it, why is it ending, what’s next?, The Hill (May 11, 2023), https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/4000948-title-42-explained-what-is-it-why-is-it-ending-whats-next/.

[ii] Id.

[iii] Id.

[iv] Huisha-Huisha v. Mayorkas, No. 21-100 (EGS), 2022 WL 16948610, *1 (D.D.C. Nov. 15, 2022).

[v] Id. at *16.

[vi] Id.

[vii] Migrants Face New Border Reality as Title 42 Pandemic Restrictions Expire, PBS News Hour (May 12, 2023), https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/migrants-face-new-border-reality-as-title-42-pandemic-restrictions-expire.

[viii] Title 42 Explained: What is it, why is it ending, what’s next?, The Hill (May 11, 2023), https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/4000948-title-42-explained-what-is-it-why-is-it-ending-whats-next/.

[ix] Id.

[x] Title 42 Immigration Policy Has Expired as Border Officials Prepare for a Possible Influx, NBC News (May 12, 2023), https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/live-blog/live-updates-title-42-immigration-policy-set-expire-midnight-rcna83908.

[xi] Id.

[xii] What is Title 8 Immigration Law? And What Happens When Title 42 Ends?, ABC Eyewitness News (May 11, 2023),  https://abc7chicago.com/title-8-immigration-law-42-explained-vs/13234991/#:~:text=Title%208%2C%20which%20includes%20decades,were%20afforded%20under%20Title%2042.

[xiii] Id.

[xiv] Id.

[xv] Id.

[xvi] DHS and DOJ Finalize Rule to Incentive Use of Lawful Immigration Pathways, Homeland Security (May 10, 2023),  https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/05/10/dhs-and-doj-finalize-rule-incentivize-use-lawful-immigration-pathways.

[xvii] Weekly U.S.-Mexico Border Update: Title 42 Ends, WOLA (May 12, 2023),  https://www.wola.org/2023/05/weekly-u-s-mexico-border-update-title-42-ends/.

[xviii] Department of Justice and Department of Homeland Security Release Details of Dangerous New Asylum Transit Ban, American Immigration Council (February 21, 2023), https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/news/department-justice-and-department-homeland-security-release-details-dangerous-new- asylum#:~:text=As%20described%20in%20the%20NPRM,in%20another%20country%20before%20arrival.

[xix] Id.  

[xx] Weekly U.S.-Mexico Border Update: Title 42 Ends, WOLA (May 12, 2023),  https://www.wola.org/2023/05/weekly-u-s-mexico-border-update-title-42-ends/.

[xxi] Department of Justice and Department of Homeland Security Release Details of Dangerous New Asylum Transit Ban, American Immigration Council (Feb. 21, 2023), https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/news/department-justice-and-department-homeland-security-release-details-dangerous-new- asylum#:~:text=As%20described%20in%20the%20NPRM,in%20another%20country%20before%20arrival.

Are College and Graduate Students Entitled to Tuition and Fee Refunds for the Spring 2020 Semester?

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Written By: Cecile G. Nicolson
Editor-in-Chief, American Journal of Trial Advocacy

          January of 2020 started with hopeful visions for the beginning of a new decade.  College and graduate students across the country returned to campuses for a new semester, thinking little of the novel coronavirus.  However, as the virus rapidly spread, schools began creating plans for online learning.  Continue reading “Are College and Graduate Students Entitled to Tuition and Fee Refunds for the Spring 2020 Semester?”

Playing Games with the Sherman Act: Epic Games v. Apple

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Written By: Hunter A. Milliman
Member, American Journal of Trial Advocacy

          During the COVID-19 pandemic, amidst working from home and adjusting to prolonged periods of minimal human interaction, many people have found their need for social interaction can be satisfied through video games.  The video games industry is booming during the pandemic,[1] and that’s certainly the case for Epic Games’ smash hit—the online multiplayer game Fortnite.[2]  Among this industry success, however, Epic Games took a hit when Apple removed Fortnite from the App Store in August of 2020.[3] Continue reading “Playing Games with the Sherman Act: Epic Games v. Apple”

Ending the War on Drugs: Decriminalizing Drug Possession

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Written By: McKenzie Meade
Member, American Journal of Trial Advocacy

Did Oregon take the first real step in ending the war on drugs?

            Almost fifty years later, America’s war on drugs continues. President Richard Nixon first coined this phrase in June 1971, when he declared drug abuse as “public enemy number one.”[i] Subsequent to this declaration, the number of people incarcerated for drug offenses drastically escalated in America, especially if you were a person of color.[ii] That was because President Nixon attempted to combat this war by “utilizing policies of prohibition” and invoking mandatory sentencing requirements.[iii] However, none of this worked. President Nixon’s strategy seemed to only further drug abuse, violence, and death.[iv] Continue reading “Ending the War on Drugs: Decriminalizing Drug Possession”

American Children Are Under Sexual Attack

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Written By: Heather Sutton
Member, American Journal of Trial Advocacy

          Considering the recently exposed Epstein fiasco, exempt registration status laws in California for sex with minors (subject to limitations), and the large-scale dissemination of the “social commentary” Cuties’ by Netflix, a discerning and concerned citizen can reach no conclusion other than—American Children are under Sexual Attack. Continue reading “American Children Are Under Sexual Attack”

The Learned-Intermediary Doctrine—Pharmacy Protections and Responsibilities

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Written By: Paul Sparkman
Senior Associate Editor, American Journal of Trial Advocacy

          A manufacturer of a dangerous product generally must warn the consumer of potential injury resulting from the use of its product. However, in many cases drug manufacturers avoid liability for failing to warn of dangers because the learned-intermediary doctrine has shifted the duty to inform the consumer elsewhere.[i] The doctrine holds that liability for failure to warn about side-effects and other inherent dangers of prescription drugs and other treatments should not be attributed to the drug manufacturers. Continue reading “The Learned-Intermediary Doctrine—Pharmacy Protections and Responsibilities”

More Than Skin Deep: New York’s More Stringent Regulations in Cosmetic Safety

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Written By: Brettlyn Miller
Research and Writing Editor, American Journal of Trial Advocacy

          Recently, the New York legislature voted to amend New York’s environmental conservation act in order to provide more stringent regulations on cosmetic and personal care products containing the ingredient 1,4-dioxane. Continue reading “More Than Skin Deep: New York’s More Stringent Regulations in Cosmetic Safety”

You Don’t Have to Go Home, But You Can’t Stay Here: The JPML’s Recent Decisions Regarding Consolidation of Cases against Insurance Carriers for Business Interruption Coverage

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Written By: David Newman
Editor in Chief, American Journal of Trial Advocacy

          Beginning in March 2020, many small businesses across the country struggled to stay afloat after state and local governments began implementing lockdowns and restrictions on businesses in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.[1]  These lockdowns and restrictions caused more than 1.4 million small businesses to shut-down or temporarily close in the 2nd quarter of 2020.[2] For the businesses that did survive, many experienced significant cash losses from the involuntary shut-downs.  As a result, many businesses began filing claims for business interruption coverage under their property or casualty insurance policies. Continue reading “You Don’t Have to Go Home, But You Can’t Stay Here: The JPML’s Recent Decisions Regarding Consolidation of Cases against Insurance Carriers for Business Interruption Coverage”

Toxic Tributaries: The Result of Hamstrung Regulation, Lack of Enforcement, and Hasty Permitting of Industrial Discharge Permits

Photo Credit: https://www.activistpost.com/2013/04/7-tap-water-toxins.html (last visited January 29, 2021).

Written By: Dylan Martin
Member, American Journal of Trial Advocacy

          Pollution, climate change, and environmental regulations have been at the forefront of political and legal debate for years and had reemerged once again throughout the 2020 Presidential campaign. Naturally, depending on the swing of the political pendulum of power in the White House every 4 to 8 years, immense changes and rollbacks of environmental protections come and go with the change in the political tide. According to a recent New York Times analysis, since the beginning of President Trump’s administration in 2016, there have been “100 environmental protections that have been reversed or in the process of being rolled back.”[i] To be fair, even with significant rollbacks of protections there will always be the occasional violation or underenforcement of an environmental regulation. Continue reading “Toxic Tributaries: The Result of Hamstrung Regulation, Lack of Enforcement, and Hasty Permitting of Industrial Discharge Permits”